News — Army

The Battle of Nashville occurred on December 15-16, 1864 south of Nashville, Tennessee. The battle, between approximately 22,000 Union troops led by Major General George Henry Thomas and 40,000 Confederate troops led by Lieutenant General John Bell Hood, was considered a major Union victory in the Western Theater of the Civil War (the area west of the Appalachian Mountains). It was also significant because African American Union troops played a crucial role in the Union victory.

African American Union soldiers served in the United States Colored Troops (USCT) regiments. The USCT were eight regiments—the 12th, 13th, 14th, 16th, 17th, 18th, 44th, and 100th—all units of the U.S. Colored Infantry led by white officers. An estimated 13,000 USCT soldiers participated in the Battle of Nashville, the largest number of black soldiers on any battlefield so far in the Civil War.

On December 15, 1864, the 13th USCT and the 2nd Colored Brigade (three regiments of black troops) were ordered to move in position for an assault on a Confederate battery position along the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad near Nolensville Pike. The Confederates who expected a Union attack, positioned their artillery to open fire on the USCT brigade. Confederate troops also opened fire on the 13th USCT but they were guarded by earthworks. The 13th USCT used the earthworks as shelter as they exchange gunfire with Confederate forces. The 20th Indiana Battery arrived to give support to the 13th USCT men and with those reinforcements, they forced the Confederates to pull their cannons back.

The next day, Union Colonel Charles R. Thompson received orders to take his 2nd Colored Brigade to join General Thomas J. Woods’ 4th Corps. The 13th USCT along with the 12th and 100th USCT arrived at Peach Orchard Hill where the Confederates immediately opened fire at them but none of the USCT took any losses. General Wood told Thompson that he would attack the Confederate position at Overton Hill and requested three USCT regiments to support his left flank. Around 3:00 p.m., the Union troops began their attack. Thompson placed the 100th and 12th USCT in front and use the 13th as support. The 12th encountered a dense thicket which slowed their advance. Meanwhile the 100th USCT came upon several fallen trees that slowed their advance as well. Both regiments faced heavy fire from the Confederate troops occupying Overton Hill.

Colonel Thompson ordered the 12th USCT to take shelter to regroup. The 100th USCT and 4th Corps attempted to advance but were pushed back by the Confederates. The 13th USCT, however pushed past the 2nd Brigade and continued to advance up the hill while subject to withering fire from Confederate troops. With no support from the white Union troops or other black regiments, who fell back from their positions, the 13th USCT continued to storm the Confederate earthworks. The regiment took heavy casualties but failed to take Overton Hill. Despite that failure, Confederate troops were forced to withdraw.

The Union Army would go on to win the Battle of Nashville and end the Army of Tennessee (Confederates) as a fighting force in Tennessee. The battle, however, cost the 13TH USCT dearly. The 900-soldier regiment lost four white officers and 55 enlisted men killed along with 4 white officers and 165 enlisted men wounded. Their bravely in the battle however was acknowledged by their white counterparts and officers alike. General George H. Thomas, the Union commander who was a Virginian by birth and who previously harbored doubts about the black soldiers under his command, rode across the battlefield seeing the bodies of black Union soldiers and white Confederate soldiers lying together, said to his officers, “Gentlemen, the question is settled, negro soldiers will fight.”

The Double V campaign was a slogan championed by The Pittsburgh Courier, then the largest black newspaper in the United States, that promoted efforts toward democracy for civilian defense workers and for African Americans in the military.

The Pittsburgh Courier newspaper, founded in 1907, had long used its voice to champion the rights of African Americans. When World War II began on September 1, 1939, the newspaper immediately made a connection between the United States’ treatment of African Americans and Nazi Germany’s treatment of Jews. President Franklin D. Roosevelt wrote the newspaper’s editor, Robert Vann, requesting that the paper tone down its rhetoric concerning racial discrimination. The newspaper complied for a while, but on January 31, 1942, just weeks after the U.S. declared war on Japan and Germany after the attack on Pearl Harbor, the Courier published a letter from twenty-six-year-old James G. Thompson, a defense worker in Wichita, Kansas. Like most black war workers at the time, Thompson could not work on the factory floor of the aircraft manufacturing company where he was employed. He was confined to working in the factory cafeteria.

Thompson’s letter, “Should I Sacrifice to live ‘Half American?” challenged the lofty rhetoric of American war aims, contrasting them to the actual treatment of one tenth of its population, the African Americans. At the end of his letter, Thompson reminded his readers that the “V for Victory” sign was being displayed prominently across the U.S. and among its allies, calling for victory over tyranny, slavery, and aggression as represented by the aims of the Axis Powers: Germany, Italy, and Japan.

Thompson called for a “double VV for victory” sign, with the first V standing for victory of enemies from without and the second V for victory over enemies within, meaning those in the United States who limited the freedoms of African Americans.

The Courier picked up the theme and on February 7, published on its front page a “Double V” insignia, announcing the “Democracy at Home-Abroad” slogan to test its popularity with their readers. The initial response was overwhelming. The Courier ran a survey on October 24, 1942 to measure the impact of the campaign and 88 percent of its readers responded in support. Black soldiers and sailors in particular embraced the idea, and some even carved the Double V on their chests.

While clearly the “Double V” Campaign was a hugely successful marketing effort for the Courier, it was much more than that. African Americans from almost every background embraced the idea that with the sacrifices of over one million black men and women in various branches of the military during World War II and six million more working in defense plants, they would not allow Jim Crow to remain unchallenged either during or after the war. Many historians see the Double V campaign as the opening salvo in the Civil Rights Movement and continued protests for racial justice.

The Ledo Road, which was later renamed The Stillwell Road in honor of Army General Joseph W. Stillwell, the commander of the China–Burma–India Theater in World War II, was built during World War II in response to the Japanese Army’s capture of the Burma Road, the main route for Allied military supplies between India and China. Without a land route the Allies were forced to fly supplies to the Chinese over the Himalayan Mountains. The 271 mile Ledo Road ran from Ledo, India to a junction on the old Burma Road at Shingbwiyang, Burma. The Ledo Road is considered a wartime engineering miracle due to the obstacles that were presented. Six African-American companies, a headquarters, service, and four combat engineer units, did most of the construction. The United States spent around $149 million dollars to build the road.

In December of 1942 construction of the road began in Ledo, India, with over 15,000 American troops.  More than 60 percent of them were African American. There were also 35,000 local Indian, Burmese, and Chinese workers. Gorges, jungles, mountains, mud, rivers, and swamps covered much of the land that needed to be worked on. The road crossed the Patkai Mountains through passes that were sometimes as high as 4,500 feet.

Black soldiers working on the road were given second-hand equipment such as shovels, picks, and bulldozers that needed repairs. They also worked seven days a week both nights and days. During the five-month monsoon season an average of 140 inches of rain fell and the heat sweltered. Overall 1,133 American soldiers died, many of them from equipment accidents, malaria, typhus, or combat. The Ledo Road was finished in January 1945 and the first trucks from India reached Yunnan, China on January 28, 1945.  The Road’s importance was diminished because World War II ended in August. Also at the time the soldiers received no recognition in the United States for their labor in Asia.

Besides terrible conditions black soldiers were also subjected to racial discrimination common at the time. On their journey from the United States, African Americans were forced to bunk in the lowest levels of the hull of the transport ships and often had to shower with sea water. Their meals on the Pacific Ocean voyages consisted of hardtack, beans, and cold pork which were of considerably less quality than the rations supplied to white soldiers and officers on the same vessels.

The African American soldiers who had helped build the Ledo Road in World War II were finally honored in February 2004 when representatives of the U.S. Department of Defense marked African American History Month at Florida A&M University in Tallahassee, Florida by publicly recognizing the survivors and their efforts in India and Burma.

Mohamed Siad Barre (Maxamed Siad Barre) was a military general in Somalia and the country’s third president. He came into power in October of 1969, leading a coup d’état against the elected government. Barre ruled over Somalia until 1991 when he was overthrown by militias, leading the country into a bloody civil war.

Barre was born in Shilabo, Ethiopia, in 1910 to a nomadic family from the Marehan clan. He spent his formative years attending school in Luuq, Italian Somaliland, and Mogadishu for his secondary education. He later joined the colonial police force. After Somalia gained independence in July of 1960, Barre became the Vice Commander of the Somali National Army.

In 1969, Somalia’s President Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke was assassinated, and a military group, the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC), staged a coup d’état, allowing Barre to assume power. Barre dissolved the constitution, parliament, and arrested politicians from the previous regime. The SRC renamed the country The Somali Democratic Republic and declared it a Marxist-Leninist one-party state. Barre adopted scientific socialism based on the teachings of the Quran and Marxism. He tried to rapidly industrialize and modernize the country by creating a new writing system, promoting cooperative farming, and leading an anti-tribal campaign. During Barre’s regime, all of Somalia’s major industries, from farming and oil to banking, were nationalized.

Barre pushed the idea of a Greater Somalia which refers to joining areas that Somalis are indigenous to, which includes Djibouti, the Ogaden in Ethiopia, and Kenya’s North Eastern Province. In July 1977, the Ogaden War broke out after the Barre’s administration tried to unite all these regions into Greater Somalia, starting with the Ogaden. The Somali National Army attacked Ethiopia, which was then under the socialist regime governing the nation. Somali armies were able to capture a significant part of Ogaden, but the war led the Soviet Union to shift their support from Somalia to Ethiopia. After the Soviets’ decision, the socialist world turned its back on Somalia. With the help of 15,000 Cuban troops, the Ethiopians pushed the Somali soldiers out of Ogaden in 1978. Somalia in turn cut its ties with the Soviet Union and switched its allegiance to the United States.

Discontent against the Barre regime grew after Somalia’s defeat in the Ogaden War. With the country’s economic sector crumbling, the entire nation faced a financial crisis, intensified by growing corruption among government officials. Although Barre led an “anti-tribalism” movement early in his regime, he now singled out the Isaaq tribe and subjected them to arbitrary arrests, rape, and torture. He also formed the Red Berets, a paramilitary unit to brutalize other clans. Consequently, many of them formed militia groups often supported by Ethiopia.

By the end of the 1990s the rebel group, Somali National Movement and other armed militias stormed the capital at Mogadishu forcing Barre to flee to Gedo, Somalia in January 1991. Unable to regain control of Mogadishu which was now under the control of the warlord Mohamed Farrah Aideed. Barre fled Somalia for Nairobi, Kenya and then Lagos, Nigeria. He died in Lagos on January 2, 1995 at the age of 85 and was buried in Gedo, Somalia.

Mohamed Siad Barre (Maxamed Siad Barre) was a military general in Somalia and the country’s third president. He came into power in October of 1969, leading a coup d’état against the elected government. Barre ruled over Somalia until 1991 when he was overthrown by militias, leading the country into a bloody civil war.

Barre was born in Shilabo, Ethiopia, in 1910 to a nomadic family from the Marehan clan. He spent his formative years attending school in Luuq, Italian Somaliland, and Mogadishu for his secondary education. He later joined the colonial police force. After Somalia gained independence in July of 1960, Barre became the Vice Commander of the Somali National Army.

In 1969, Somalia’s President Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke was assassinated, and a military group, the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC), staged a coup d’état, allowing Barre to assume power. Barre dissolved the constitution, parliament, and arrested politicians from the previous regime. The SRC renamed the country The Somali Democratic Republic and declared it a Marxist-Leninist one-party state. Barre adopted scientific socialism based on the teachings of the Quran and Marxism. He tried to rapidly industrialize and modernize the country by creating a new writing system, promoting cooperative farming, and leading an anti-tribal campaign. During Barre’s regime, all of Somalia’s major industries, from farming and oil to banking, were nationalized.

Barre pushed the idea of a Greater Somalia which refers to joining areas that Somalis are indigenous to, which includes Djibouti, the Ogaden in Ethiopia, and Kenya’s North Eastern Province. In July 1977, the Ogaden War broke out after the Barre’s administration tried to unite all these regions into Greater Somalia, starting with the Ogaden. The Somali National Army attacked Ethiopia, which was then under the socialist regime governing the nation. Somali armies were able to capture a significant part of Ogaden, but the war led the Soviet Union to shift their support from Somalia to Ethiopia. After the Soviets’ decision, the socialist world turned its back on Somalia. With the help of 15,000 Cuban troops, the Ethiopians pushed the Somali soldiers out of Ogaden in 1978. Somalia in turn cut its ties with the Soviet Union and switched its allegiance to the United States.

Discontent against the Barre regime grew after Somalia’s defeat in the Ogaden War. With the country’s economic sector crumbling, the entire nation faced a financial crisis, intensified by growing corruption among government officials. Although Barre led an “anti-tribalism” movement early in his regime, he now singled out the Isaaq tribe and subjected them to arbitrary arrests, rape, and torture. He also formed the Red Berets, a paramilitary unit to brutalize other clans. Consequently, many of them formed militia groups often supported by Ethiopia.

By the end of the 1990s the rebel group, Somali National Movement and other armed militias stormed the capital at Mogadishu forcing Barre to flee to Gedo, Somalia in January 1991. Unable to regain control of Mogadishu which was now under the control of the warlord Mohamed Farrah Aideed. Barre fled Somalia for Nairobi, Kenya and then Lagos, Nigeria. He died in Lagos on January 2, 1995 at the age of 85 and was buried in Gedo, Somalia.

Seenah Mischel was in awe the first time she saw a Black female firefighter as a child. Today, she is the first and only Black female firefighter and officer in Erie, Pennsylvania.

The power of representation cannot be overemphasized because seeing someone with who you share cultural and physical features doing great things works incredibly on the human psyche, especially that of children.

Mischel said seeing the Black woman firefighter in her hometown Buffalo was an eye-opener and from that point, she knew she wanted to be just like the firefighter. Interestingly, she did not get into the profession after college. She worked briefly with the US Army and relocated to Erie before the stars began to align.

A recruitment commercial was all it took to rekindle the childhood dream of fighting fires and saving lives. The advertisement specifically stated that they were in need of women and minority firefighters. Mischel said, “It was perfect” and she registered applied immediately.

According to Democrat & Chronicle, Mischel made history in 2010 as Erie’s first Black female firefighter after successfully completing her testing. Admittedly with no knowledge of what it entails to be a firefighter, she was helped by her teammates with hours of training.

Joe Walko, her former teammate, and the current Erie fire chief attest to Mischel’s dedication and willpower.

“She was always a go-getter,” he said. “We taught her the ins and outs and had a great time. I think we broke her in well.”

Mischel tested for a lieutenant position and after returning an overseas deployment with the U.S. Air Force Reserves, she was greeted with the news of her confirmation, making her the first Black female officer on the Erie Bureau of Fire, stationed out of Engine Co. 8.

“It’s very exciting. I swear it feels like the best job in the world,” said Mischel.

“I feel like I wasted time not going for it sooner. I can kick myself now, I guess, for wasting time. Because once I got into it I was so happy and fulfilled I can’t imagine myself doing anything else.”

Out of 134 crew members at the Erie Bureau of Fire, there are only four female firefighters now at the station and the 42-year-old is the only Black female fighter at her station. Just as she was inspired by a Black woman firefighter as a child, she admits to seeing the same light in the eyes of young Black girls who see her.

Although she has never met the woman in Buffalo, that glimpse of a future she could have has stayed with her and she considers her to be a role model, Mischel aspires to be the reason someone will join the bureau one day.

“Sometimes I do see those looks I gave [the Black woman firefighter in my hometown] when I was a kid. I see it in the eyes of kids when they stop and look at me, never realizing that firefighters on the job are someone who looks like them,” Mischel said. 

This job to the new officer was not to make a statement or a challenge. According to her, it was not in a bid to prove herself or anything she went for it because she is up for the task plus the added benefit of saving lives and supporting others along the way. She says “it’s rewarding.”

The Mayor of Pennsylvania is on a mission to increase diversity in public safety forces. The Erie fire chief Walko has plans of liaising with Mischel to recruit more minorities to enable the Mayor’s vision to become a reality because there may be more females and minorities in the city with the hopes of becoming firefighters who just need the motivation they intend to offer.

Soldiers from Ghana’s armed forces have been deployed to the volatile eastern Ghanaian region of Volta ahead of the general election which is scheduled for Monday, December 7.

The move is part of what the government says are security measures put in place to forestall feared attacks that may spring up in the lead-up or during the elections. Volta Region, in recent weeks, has been hit with protests and threats from a group that is demanding secession from the Ghanaian republic.

The group, known as the Homeland Study Group Foundation (HSGF), has been campaigning to break away some parts of Ghana into an independent state called Western Togoland.

The HSGF IS based in the Volta Region and was founded in 1994 by Charles Kormi Kudzordzi Papavi. The founder claims the group was founded as a platform to discuss the political, civil and human rights of the people of Western Togoland, a pre-independence territory between Ghana and Togo that voted in a 1956 United Nations plebiscite to be part of Ghana.

The ruling New Patriotic Patriotic Party (NPP) led by the country’s president, Nana Akufo-Addo, has reiterated the need to secure the region that it deems liable to terror attacks. However, the region is also the stronghold of the National Democratic Congress (NDC), Ghana’s largest opposition party which was founded by the late Jerry Rawlings.

The NDC has called the decision to send soldiers to Volta, a political tactic of intimidation from the government. Its leader and candidate for the presidential election, John Mahama, a former president, has campaigned for the withdrawal of the troops before the election.

Mahama’s advocacy has been supported by the Volta regional house of chiefs, a council of tribe leaders. Last week, a letter from the chiefs to Ghana’s president said the council is of the view that the presence of soldiers will intimidate and “prevent [the people] from going out on 7th December 2020 to cast their votes in a peaceful manner.”

The Ethiopian army warned Sunday of an imminent attack on Mekelle, capital of rebellious Tigray state and seat of the local government that the federal government is seeking to dislodge, calling on civilians to flee while there is still time.

"The next decisive battle is to surround Mekelle with tanks," army spokesman Dejene Tsegaye told government media, threatening to lay siege to the town, stronghold of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) that rules the region.

The spokesman told the city's half a million inhabitants to "save yourselves".

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed announced the start of army operations on November 4 against the TPLF, accusing them of seeking to destabilize the federal government and of attacking two Ethiopian military bases in the region.

Tigray authorities have admitted to attacking a federal army base, calling it 'preemptive action'.

On Saturday, the government claimed that the army was advancing towards Mekelle and had taken control of several towns, including Aksum and Adigrat, some 117 km north of the regional capital.

"Military forces have taken control of the town of Edaga Hamus, which is on the road from Adigrat to Mekelle," and is located 100 km from Mekele, a government agency, Ethiopia State of Emergency Fact Check, said Sunday.

"The forces are currently advancing towards the last objective of the operation, the town of Mekelle," she added.

Neither side's claims are independently verifiable, as Tigray is virtually cut off from the world due to a communications blackout.

The TPLF said Saturday that civilians were killed in an "intense bombing" of Adigrat by the Ethiopian army. The government claims that the military operation does not target civilians.

No accurate account of the fighting, which has resulted in at least hundreds of deaths since November 4, is available from independent sources.

But more than 36,000 Ethiopians have already reached Sudan, according to the Sudanese Refugee Commission.

After dominating Ethiopia's 15-year armed struggle against the militaristic Marxist Derg regime, which was overthrown in 1991, the TPLF controlled the country's political and security apparatus with an iron fist for nearly three decades, before being gradually pushed aside by Abiy when he became prime minister in 2018.